Wednesday, August 23, 2017

Plain simple

Agreed.



  1. Trump's enemies in the Republican Party are not my friends. (Previous tweet reworded.)


Nor are the War Hawks my friends.


"Iraq snapshot" (THE COMMON ILLS):
Tuesday, August 22, 2017.  Chaos and violence continue, the US Secretary of Defense visits Iraq, Masrour Barzani weighs in on the referendum scheduled for September 25th, THE WASHINGTON POST again distorts reality, and much more.




FOX NEWS ALERT: Sec. Mattis arrives in Baghdad to discuss ISIS strategy





AFP reports, "Mattis flew in for talks with Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi and other top officials, as well as Massud Barzani, president of the Iraqi Kurdistan region, saying he wants to help keep the regime focused on eradicating ISIS jihadists."  Robert Burns (AP) quotes Mattis stating, "You see, Isis is now caught in-between converging forces.  So Isis's days are certainly numbered, but it's not over yet and it's not going to be over any time soon.”

So Mattis is in Iraq.

In the US, the lies and whoring never ends.

We've fact-checked Trump's criticism of the 2011 Iraq withdrawal, which he once supported.




You dumb, stupid ass.


Shame on anyone who applauds that crap.

It's so much more than just false.

You can call for the war to end but still be against the way someone ended it.

Same with withdrawal or drawdown.

And, for the record, the Pentagon called it a "drawdown" -- not  a withdrawal.

Barack pulled most -- but not all US troops out of Iraq.  Some were then stationed in Kuwait.  As he did so, Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta was noting that the US was still in negotiations with Iraq about keeping troops on the ground and that -- in fact, regardless -- US troops would still be in Iraq (as they were -- hence the term "drawdown" used repeatedly by the Pentagon).

Let's again do the work that so-called press outlets like THE WASHINGTON POST refuse to do.  From the November 16, 2011 snapshot:


Senator Joe Lieberman:  Let me, Secretary Panetta, pick up from that point. I've heard from friends in Iraq -- Iraqis -- that Prime Minister Maliki said at one point that he needed to stop the negotiations -- leave aside for one moment the reasons -- but he was prepared to begin negotiations again between two sovereign nations -- the US and Iraq -- about some troops being in Iraq after January 1st.  So that's what I've heard from there. But I want to ask you from the administration point of view. I know that Prime Minister Maliki is coming here in a few weeks to Washington. Is the administration planning to pursue further discussions with the Iraqi government about deploying at least some US forces in Iraq after the end of this year?

Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta: Senator, as I pointed out in my testimony, what we seek with Iraq is a normal relationship now and that does involve continuing negotiations with them as to what their needs are.  Uh, and I believe there will be continuing negotations.  We're in negotiations now with regards to the size of the security office that will be there and so there will be -- There aren't zero troops that are going to be there. We'll have, you know, hundreds that will be present by virtue of that office assuming we can work out an agreement there.  But I think that once we've completed the implementation of the security agreement that there will begin a series of negotiations about what exactly are additional areas where we can be of assistance? What level of trainers do they need? What can we do with regards to CT [Counter-Terrorism] operations? What will we do on exercises -- joint-exercises -- that work together?


I'm sorry you're such a damn liar or so f**king dumb that you don't know this all these years later, but we were there in real time at the Congressional hearings and we know what was happening.

At one point, it was decided that DoD Memo of Understanding could cover a continued US presence in Iraq so that's what replaced a SOFA (Status of Forces Agreement).

Let's spoonfeed the tragically stupid.  Dropping back to the April 30, 2013 Iraq snapshot:


December 6, 2012, the Memorandum of Understanding For Defense Cooperation Between the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Iraq and the Department Defense of the United States of America was signed.  We covered it in the December 10th and December 11th snapshots -- lots of luck finding coverage elsewhere including in media outlets -- apparently there was some unstated agreement that everyone would look the other way.  It was similar to the silence that greeted Tim Arango's September 25th New York Times report which noted, "Iraq and the United States are negotiating an agreement that could result in the return of small units of American soldiers to Iraq on training missions.  At the request of the Iraqi government, according to [US] General [Robert L.] Caslen, a unit of Army Special Operations soldiers was recently deployed to Iraq to advise on counterterrorism and help with intelligence."


The MoU allowed another Special Ops unit go into Iraq and the end of the 2012. From the December 11th snapshot:

 
In yesterday's snapshot, we covered the Memorandum of Understanding For Defense Cooperation Between the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Iraq and the Department of Defense of the United States of America.  Angry, dysfunctional e-mails from Barack-would-never-do-that-to-me criers indicate that we need to go over the Memo a little bit more.  It was signed on Thursday and announced that day by the Pentagon.   Section two (listed in full in yesterday's snapshot) outlines that the two sides have agreed on: the US providing instructors and training personnel and Iraq providing students, Iraqi forces and American forces will work together on counterterrorism and on joint exercises.   The tasks we just listed go to the US military being in Iraq in larger numbers.  Obviously the two cannot do joint exercises or work together on counterterrorism without US military present in Iraq.


This shouldn't be surprising.  In the November 2, 2007 snapshot -- five years ago -- we covered the transcript of the interview Michael R. Gordon and Jeff Zeleny did with then-Senator Barack Obama who was running in the Democratic Party's primary for the party's presidential nomination -- the transcript, not the bad article the paper published, the actual transcript.  We used the transcript to write "NYT: 'Barack Obama Will Keep Troops In Iraq'" at Third.  Barack made it clear in the transcript that even after "troop withdrawal" he would "leave behind a residual force."  What did he say this residual force would do?  He said, "I think that we should have some strike capability.  But that is a very narrow mission, that we get in the business of counter terrorism as opposed to counter insurgency and even on the training and logistics front, what I have said is, if we have not seen progress politically, then our training approach should be greatly circumscribed or eliminated."


This is not withdrawal.  This is not what was sold to the American people.  Barack is very lucky that the media just happened to decide to take that rather explosive interview -- just by chance, certainly the New York Times wasn't attempting to shield a candidate to influence an election, right? -- could best be covered with a plate of lumpy, dull mashed potatoes passed off as a report.  In the transcript, Let-Me-Be-Clear Barack declares, "I want to be absolutely clear about this, because this has come up in a series of debates: I will remove all our combat troops, we will have troops there to protect our embassies and our civilian forces and we will engage in counter terrorism activities."


So when the memo announces counterterrorism activies, Barack got what he wanted, what he always wanted, what the media so helpfully and so frequently buried to allow War Hawk Barack to come off like a dove of peace.



Please note, that MoU is what governs the US military presence in Iraq currently -- there is no SOFA.


Now the above alone contains many elements that someone could object to.  Sadly, we're not done.  We could go on and on forever.  We'll note one more.

As part of the drawdown, the US mission in Iraq went from the Defense Dept to the State Dept (October 2011).

This is where you end up with buildings that eventually are just handed over -- to the objection of Congress when they learned of it after the fact.  More to the point, there is a huge waste of money and the 'training program' for Iraqi forces that falls apart.

As the take over of various cities by the Islamic State in 2014 demonstrates, the Iraqi forces needed additional training.  It was the State Dept that was supposed to follow up on that but failed.

Again, there's so much to object to.

Here, we offered Barack should immediately withdraw US troops in his first months as president.  We argued that the withdrawal would bring about its own problems (largely because the US had created and propped up an unpopular government) and that the smart thing to do was to cite the 2008 election as a mandate from the American people, end the Iraq War immediately and it would not have been Barack's 'fault' -- whatever happened.

But that's not what Barack did.

He couldn't keep his hands out of it and his ego told him he could 'improve' on it.

So he overturns the 2010 election results with a legal contract (The Erbil Agreement) which provides Nouri al-Maliki with a second term he didn't win.

Again, I'm sorry you're so f**king stupid and write about a topic -- for a so-called news outlet -- that you clearly do not grasp.

It's appalling that you are allowed to pass your ignorance on to the people.


It's disgusting as well that after all these years, you're still promoting binary thinking -- where it's either/or exclusively.  But, hey, if THE WASHINGTON POST couldn't practice xenophobia, they wouldn't be able to file any stories at all, right?


And the war goes on . . .


IS conflict: Iraqi forces enter outskirts of Tal Afar
 
 



Today, the UNHCR notes:

Telafar city, in Ninewa province, some 65 kilometres north-west of Mosul, fell under the control of extremist armed groups in 2014. Its pre-conflict population was thought to be around 200,000. Since April this year, more than 30,000 people fled Telafar district, many living in camps sheltering other displaced families mainly from Mosul.
Humanitarian agencies have been without access to Telafar since 2014, but it’s estimated that thousands of people could still be in the city. Conditions are said to be very difficult, with food and water running out, a lack of electricity and diminishing health facilities. People are said to have been surviving on unclean water and bread for the past three to four months. 
Those families who have managed to flee the area have done so at great personal risk. Many talk of seeing dead bodies along the way, and there are reports that some were killed by extremist groups. Others appear to have died due to dehydration or illnesses.

People leaving Telafar are walking long distances to reach safety, without food or water, at times for up to 20 hours and in scorching heat. Temperatures can reach up to 50 degrees Celsius. They are often forced to leave behind their most vulnerable (children, elderly, disabled) who are unable to undertake the arduous journey.


September 25th, the KRG is scheduled to hold a referendum that will determine their future.  As usual, the US government is attempting to derail the vote.  Masrour Barzani is the head of security for the KRG.  He is also the son of KRG President Massoud Barzani.  On Twitter this morning, he weighed in on the topic.



Replying to 
independence is announced. The only solution is to live alongside each other as neighbors in two newly defined independent states.
 
 
Replying to 
After the referendum dialogue with Iraq is necessary to negotiate terms through peaceful means. Iraq's position will determine how/when...
 
 
Replying to 
Iraq in its current form won't succeed; a united Iraq doesn't exist. It's polarized along sectarian lines and already practically divided.
 
 
Replying to 
Iraq was built on wrong foundations against the wishes and aspirations of its peoples. Forced-existence leads only to enmity and conflict.
 
 
Replying to 
Subordination for us is catastrophic. At a time of great peril, incl genocide and use of chemical weapons, no one came to our assistance.
 
 
Replying to 
This vote is for the people of Kurdistan, incl religious groups & nationalities. In an independent Kurdistan their rights will be protected.
 
 
Replying to 
Our neighbors must recognize that Kurdistan isn't a threat. We've proven so over the last two decades, focusing instead on economic trade.
 
 
It's wrong to postpone the referendum. The people of Kurdistan - not others, must determine the right time- MB.
 
 





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  • iraq iraq iraq iraq iraq Iraq

    Monday, August 21, 2017

    There is no forgiveness for Madeline Albright

    How stupid is Mad Maddie Albright?

    the dark stain on your soul that saw 1/2 million iraqi kids as expendable will be with you eternally




    We will never forget.

    She will never escape what she said and she will never escape what she did.

    I don't think there's forgiveness at this late date even if she begged for it.

    Too many children are dead because of her.

    "Iraq snapshot" (THE COMMON ILLS):
    Monday, August 21, 2017.  Yet another operation to 'liberate' Iraq.


    Saturday (in the US, it was already Sunday in Iraq), Prime Minister Hayder al-Abadi announced the start of operations against Tal Afar.

    Tal Afar?

    Yet another city controlled by the Islamic State.

    Like Mosul, it's in Nineveh Province.  Unlike Mosul, it's population isn't in the millions.  The city is estimated to have less than 100,000 or a little over 200,000 depending on the source.  The bulk of the population is said to be Turkmen.



    ISIS fired Guided Missile caused considerable damage to Iraqi Forces Abram Tank in outskirts of TalAfar City yesterday, West of Mosul.
     
     


    TULSA WORLD explains "surrender or die" is the choice Hayder has presented the Islamic State with.  He did so in televised address where he played dress up.

    ALJAZEERA notes, "Thousands of civilians are leaving the Iraqi city of Tal Afar as the army tries to retake it from ISIL."  BBC NEWS also points out that "the UN has warned that thousands fleeing the area are at risk, trekking for hours in extreme heat."

    As yet another operation begins in Iraq, this observation is offered.

    It's noteworthy that the most effective forces against ISIS have been America's adversaries: Hezbollah, Syrian army, Russia & Iraq PMUs.
     
     


    The US Defense Dept announced this morning:

    In Iraq, coalition military forces conducted nine strikes consisting of 84 engagements against ISIS targets:
    -- Near Asad, a strike suppressed an ISIS tactical unit.
    -- Near Qaim, a strike destroyed an ISIS supply cache.
    -- Near Qayyarah, a strike engaged an ISIS tactical unit and destroyed an ISIS headquarters.
    -- Near Rawah, two strikes engaged an ISIS tactical unit and destroyed a staging area and an ISIS barge.

    -- Near Tal Afar, four strikes engaged four ISIS tactical units; destroyed five rocket-propelled-grenade systems, four tunnel entrances, four fighting positions, four vehicle-borne bombs, two tactical vehicles, two weapons caches, two supply caches, a command-and-control node, a medium machine gun and an anti-tank weapon; damaged five supply routes; and suppressed 32 mortar systems.


    Ahmed Sami (THE SCOTSMAN) reminds, "Along with Tal Afar, IS militants are still fully in control of the town of Hawija west of Kirkuk, as well as the towns of Qaim, Rawa and Ana in western Iraq near the Syrian border."



    In other news, religious issues continue.

    Iraqi Christian leader fears rise of ‘new Islamic State’
     
     

    Paul Singer (USA TODAY) reports:

    Stephen Rasche says the next six weeks will be critical for saving some of the world’s oldest Christian communities from extinction.
    Rasche is coordinating a task force trying to return tens of thousands of Christian families to the ancient Iraqi towns from which they were driven by ISIS three years ago.


    Last week, the US State Dept issued the 2016 International Religious Freedom Annual Report.  From the report:

    The U.S. government estimates the population of Iraq to be 38 million (July 2016 estimate). According to 2010 government statistics, the most recent available, 97 percent of the population is Muslim. Shia Muslims, predominantly Arabs but including Turkmen, Faili (Shia) Kurds, and others, constitute 55 to 60 percent of the population. Sunni Muslims make up approximately 40 percent of the population: approximately 15 percent of the total population are Sunni Kurds, while approximately 24 percent are Sunni Arabs, and the remaining 1 percent are Sunni Turkmen. Shia, although predominantly located in the south and east, comprise the majority in Baghdad and have communities in most parts of the country. Sunnis form the majority in the west, center, and the north of the country.
    Christian leaders estimate there are fewer than 250,000 Christians remaining in the country. The Christian population has declined over the past 15 years from a pre-2002 population estimate of between 800,000 and 1.4 million persons. Approximately 67 percent of Christians are Chaldean Catholics (an eastern rite of the Roman Catholic Church); nearly 20 percent are members of the Assyrian Church of the East. The remainder are Syriac Orthodox, Syriac Catholic, Armenian Catholic, Armenian Apostolic, Anglican, and other Protestant. Only 50 evangelical Christian families reportedly remain in the IKR, down from approximately 5,000 in 2013.
    Yezidi leaders report most of the approximately 350,000 to 400,000 Yezidis reside in the north. Estimates of the size of the Sabaean-Mandaean community vary. According to Sabaean-Mandaean leaders, 10,000 remain in the country, mainly in the south with small pockets in the IKR and Baghdad. Bahai leaders report fewer than 2,000 members, spread throughout the country in small groups. The Shabaks constitute about 350,000-400,000 people, two-thirds to three-fourths of whom are Shia and the rest Sunni, and are mostly located in Ninewa. According to Kaka’i (also known as Yarsani) activists, their community has approximately 300,000 members, traditionally located in the Ninewa Plains, but also in villages southeast of Kirkuk, as well as in Diyala, Erbil, and Karbala. The Jewish representative in the KRG Ministry of Endowment and Religious Affairs (MERA) reports 430 Jewish families reside in the IKR. Fewer than 10 Jewish families are known to reside in Baghdad.
    According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Iraq was 3.06 million at year’s end. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the IOM estimate one million citizens remain internally displaced as a result of sectarian violence dating from 2006 and 2008 before ISIS became active. During the conflict with ISIS beginning in 2014, up to 3.5 million persons were internally displaced. Difficulties in gaining access to IDPs in areas of conflict, as well as the government’s limited capacity to register IDPs, means estimates of religious minorities among the IDPs are imprecise. According to international sources, more than 60 percent of Iraqi IDPs are Arab Sunni, approximately 17 percent are Yezidi, approximately 8 percent are Turkmen Shia, approximately 3 percent are Arab Shia and 3 percent are Kurdish Sunni. Shabak, Chaldean, and Assyrian Christians, Turkmen Sunni, and Kurdish Shia account for approximately 6 percent of the IDP population.

    [. . .]

    National identity cards denote the holder’s religion. The only religions which may be listed on the national identity card are Christian, Sabaean-Mandean, Yezidi, and Muslim, and there is no distinction between Shia and Sunni Muslim affiliation nor designation of Christian denominations. Individuals practicing other faiths may only receive identity cards if they self-identify as Muslim, Yezidi, Sabaean-Mandean, or Christian. Without an official identity card, non-Muslims and those who convert to faiths other than Islam may not register their marriages, enroll their children in public school, acquire passports, or obtain some government services. Passports do not specify religion.

    [. . .]

    There continued to be reports that local police and Shia militia killed Sunni detainees. International and local NGOs reported the government continued to use the antiterrorism law as a pretext for detaining Sunnis without timely access to due process. Community leaders said forced conversion was the de facto result of the national identity card law. Some Yezidi and Christian leaders continued to report harassment and abuses by KRG Peshmerga and Asayish forces in the portion of Ninewa Province controlled by the KRG or contested between the central government and the KRG. Displaced members of certain religious groups report they were prevented from returning to their homes after their cities were liberated from ISIS. Yezidi groups said the presence of armed affiliates of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) in Sinjar and the imposition of security restrictions on the district by the KRG hindered the return of IDPs. In May KRG representatives revoked permission for Yazda, the largest Yezidi-run humanitarian and political advocacy organization, to operate in IDP camps. Officials restored access in October. In some parts of the country, non-Muslim religious minorities, as well as Sunni and Shia in areas where they formed the minority, faced harassment and restrictions from the authorities. The Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) continued to deploy police and army personnel to protect religious pilgrimage routes and sites, as well as places of worship, during Islamic and non-Islamic religious holidays. The KRG also offered support and funding to some non-Muslim minorities, but other minorities in the IKR, such as evangelical Christians, faced difficulties registering and proselytizing. Because religion, politics, and ethnicity were often closely linked, it was difficult to categorize many incidents as being solely based on religious identity.
    Human Rights Watch (HRW) and Amnesty International (AI) reported evidence of torture and ill-treatment of Sunni detainees by Iraqi Security Forces (including PMF fighters), as well as the deaths of Sunni men who were in custody, detained under the antiterrorism law.
    In October, AI reported that men in Federal Police (a Shia-dominated organization) uniforms carried out multiple unlawful killings of Sunnis suspected of being ISIS militants or sympathizers in and around Mosul. In some cases, AI stated individuals were tortured before they were shot and killed execution style or run over with armored vehicles. In October in the Al-Shora subdistrict, men in Federal Police uniforms reportedly brutally beat and killed Ahmed Mahmoud Dakhil and Rashid Ali Khalaf, villagers from Na’na’a, as well as a third man from the village of Tulul Nasser.
    In an October report, AI reported Sunni Arab IDPs from parts of Salah al-Din and Diyala Provinces feared attacks by Shia militias in control of those towns, and said the militias had committed gross human rights abuses against residents. AI documented what it referred to as “war crimes and gross human rights violations,” including extrajudicial executions and other unlawful killings, torture, and enforced disappearances, committed against Sunnis fleeing Saqlawiya and al-Sijir and accused of being complicit in ISIS crimes or having supported the group. AI stated the violations were committed by Shia PMF militias and fighters wearing military or Federal Police uniforms. For example, AI reported the extrajudicial execution of at least 12 men and four boys from the Sunni Jumaila tribe in al-Sijir by armed men in various security force uniforms. The Iraqi Federal Police denied any involvement in the abuses.
    Hundreds of men seized by the PMF on May 27 and June 3 remained unaccounted for at year’s end. According to the testimonies of some survivors, ISF and the Shia militia group Kata’ib Hizballah had been close by when these individuals were captured. Iraqi forces had been stationed near the sites of crimes in Tarek’s Military Camp (Mu’askar Tarek), located along the old Baghdad-Falluja road. On June 5, Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi established a committee to investigate the May and June disappearances, vowing to punish those responsible, and announced the arrest of an unspecified number of individuals who had committed the crimes. The prime minister, however, said the abuses were not part of a systematic pattern, and should not overshadow the battlefield successes and the assistance provided by Iraqi forces to Sunni Arab IDPs. In many cases, Shia PMF units reportedly operated independently and without oversight or direction from the government.
    International and local NGOs stated the government continued to use the antiterrorism law as a pretext for detaining Sunni men – and their female relatives – for extended periods of time without access to a lawyer or due process. In October courts in Basrah announced 1,251 Sunni detainees had been affected by the new Amnesty Law, which allowed some individuals convicted under the antiterrorism law to apply for judicial review, and 538 had already been retried. The Ministry of Interior’s spokesperson reported that in June, 700 Sunni men were detained following the battle of Falluja based on their confessions of being ISIS supporters. According to the Anbar Police Command, out of 19,400 Sunni men initially arrested under the antiterrorism law for suspected connections to ISIS, 2,046 men were detained, while the remaining individuals were released. AI reported evidence of torture and ill-treatment of Sunni detainees, as well as deaths of Sunni men who were in custody, detained under the antiterrorism law. Religious organizations such as the Association of Muslim Scholars spoke publicly about human rights abuses in prisons in their annual report.

    Official investigations of abuses by government forces, armed groups, and terrorist organizations continued to be infrequent, and the outcomes of investigations which did occur continued to be unpublished, unknown, or incomplete, according to NGOs.


    There's a lot to discuss and debate in the report.

    Sadly few in the press are informed enough to do so as was demonstrated last week (August 15th) when the US Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor's Ambassador Michael Kozak held a briefing.

    Who was the most uninformed?

    A difficult question but I'd go with THE NEW YORK TIMES' Gardiner Harris who appeared to have never read the annual report and seemingly was unembarrassed to be so uninformed.

    He asked, "Hi. I noticed that – do you not track religious freedom in the United States? And if so, --"

    Wait, you noticed it Gardiner?

    Did you, because you then asked "do you not" and qualified "And if so . . ."

    No, the US doesn't track itself and hasn't for decades.


    AMBASSADOR KOZAK: Yes, thank you. As is the case with the Human Rights Report, we do not rate ourselves. I – there was an effort to do so – I’m old enough to remember; it was 30-some years ago. And when we all looked at it, people started laughing. It was like writing your own performance evaluation or something. You either were way too modest or you looked like you were bragging on yourself. So that – but that does not mean that the U.S. thinks itself exempt from this kind of rating. There are mechanisms in the United Nations, in the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe and so on that do publish this kind of data. There’s an excellent, for example, in the OSCE, a tolerance unit. We – the U.S. is actually a pretty good model in that the data that you’re citing there comes from FBI reports, and those are all cranked into the OSCE reports at the end of the year. So we actually have, I think, a better record than many of the other member-states in terms of reporting details about performance in our own country. 


    Oh, well, Gardiner was probably too busy obsessing over HAIM.








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